A DONEGAL woman who was found guilty of altering price tags in a Letterkenny shop has been fined in court.Gloria McCafferty (40) of Driminin, Barnesmore, was before Letterkenny District Court, where she pleaded guilty to the incident at TK Maxx, Letterkenny. McCafferty was found to have changed price tags on a handbag and a pair of tracksuit bottoms. The handbag had been €139.99 and a price tag of €38 was put on while the tracksuit bottoms were changed to €5.McCafferty admitted to the offences and Gardaí say she was ‘extremely co-operatve and apologetic’. The items were returned as re-sellable.Solicitor for McCafferty, Mr Patsy Gallagher, said his client, a full-time mother, made ‘full and frank admissions’ and had ‘no need to do it’.Judge Paul Kelly said that he would deal with the case by way of a €250 donation and would strike the matter out.Donegal woman in court after altering price tags was last modified: November 10th, 2019 by Chris McNultyShare this:Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window)Click to share on Twitter (Opens in new window)Click to share on LinkedIn (Opens in new window)Click to share on Reddit (Opens in new window)Click to share on Pocket (Opens in new window)Click to share on Telegram (Opens in new window)Click to share on WhatsApp (Opens in new window)Click to share on Skype (Opens in new window)Click to print (Opens in new window) Tags:Grainne McCaffertyJudge Paul KellyLetterkenny District CourtTK MAXX
Alan Paton in the hills of KwaZulu-Natal, where he lived until his death.(Image: Random House Struik)MEDIA CONTACTS • Sello HatangNMF communications manager+27 11 547 5600RELATED ARTICLES• Mandela’s old offices restored• Mandela: a remarkable 92 years• Alice Walker to explore Biko ties• ‘The infinite gardens of Mandela’• Mandela archive to go onlineSource: Nelson Mandela FoundationVerne Harris, head of the Nelson Mandela Foundation’s Memory Programme, delivered the 18th Alan Paton Lecture on 5 May 2011. Harris spoke on the topic of Madiba, Memory and the Work of Justice, discussing the role that memory plays in post-apartheid South Africa.He joined a distinguished line-up of former Alan Paton speakers that includes Helen Suzman (1998); Justice Pius Langa (1999); Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu (2002); and Raenette Taljaard (2007).The annual Alan Paton Lecture takes place at the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s Pietermaritzburg campus, which houses the Alan Paton Centre. Its purpose is to honour the renowned author and to talk about matters close to him, such as literary, educational and environmental issues, prison reform for juvenile offenders, and the South African political situation.Paton, probably best known for his first novel Cry, the Beloved Country, was a world-renowned author and anti-apartheid activist. A co-founder and the vice-president of the South African Liberal Party, Paton died in 1988.Staff at the Nelson Mandela Foundation recently unearthed a letter written by Mandela to Paton in 1979. Previously unpublished, the letter was never delivered because Mandela wrote it while still imprisoned, and it was confiscated by authorities without ever coming near a post box.In the letter Mandela described the difficulties he faced in sending correspondence, and said that the letter was his third attempt to contact Paton. He offered his sympathy on the death of Paton’s wife and thanked the author for taking the time to visit the Mandela family in Brandfort, Free State province. He also commended Paton on his literary work as well as his courageous anti-government stance.A transcript of the letter is available for download (PDF, 76 KB).The full text of Harris’s lecture follows:Let me say at once that I am honoured to be associated with Alan Paton in this way. And that my institution, the Nelson Mandela Foundation, is similarly honoured.My aim today is to honour Paton’s memory by reflecting on the roles of memory in the beloved country during the era we call post-apartheid, postcolonial.The post-apartheid era in South Africa has seen a wealth of memory work: ranging from the endeavour of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to the flowering of new museums and archives; from the investigations underpinning the land restitution process to the rapid growth and diversification of the country’s heritage sector; from the research supporting special pensions for those who contributed to the struggles against apartheid to the writing of new history curricula for schools; from the location of the remains of persons murdered by the apartheid state to the use of legislated freedom of information instruments by civil society in ‘truth-recovery’ and reparations-related interventions.This work has drawn on a long tradition of ‘memory for justice’ in the country, which coalesced strongly from the late 1970s as a tool of struggle against instruments of forgetting imposed by the apartheid regime. Through the 1990s the tradition held sway in inspiring and informing what was called post-apartheid transformation.Equally, this memory work has been influenced by the international discourses of transitional justice, which insist that ‘dealing with’ oppressive pasts is necessary for the building of democratic futures. Working with inherited collective pain vouchsafes the healing essential to sustainable reconciliation and nation-building.So, a wealth of memory work, drawing on struggle tradition and international best practice. And yet. And yet our society remains severely damaged. Old fissures remain resilient. New ones are emerging. The social fabric is being unravelled further by growing disparities between ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’, by rampant corruption, by creaking service delivery infrastructures, a failure of leadership at many levels, alienation from political processes, xenophobia, what I call the re-racialisation of discourse, unacceptable levels of crime, domestic violence, infant mortality, HIV infection, illiteracy, unemployment, and so on.By any measure we are troubled, and in trouble. Obviously this is not attributable to a single cause, or set of causes. Nor are we exceptional – South Africa shares many of the challenges being experienced by a family of nations caught in the nexus of under-development and post-oppression transition.But it is time, I believe, for us to assess our post-apartheid memory work. Has it been too superficial? Have we only scratched the surface of our country’s pain and alienation? Does the really hard work – the work which truly embraces damage and offers healing – remain to be done? To what extent are the failures of the post-apartheid project failures of memory?In the time available to me today I can do no more than skim the surface of the terrain staked out by these questions; suggest ways of answering them rather than provide answers to them. Moreover, I cannot hope to engage the full gamut of ‘sites’ in which invocation of the past takes place – from the school classroom to the museum display hall, from rural communities pressing land claims to urban communities demanding service delivery, from traditional leaders seeking extended powers to broadcasters marking anniversaries of historical events.I will focus my reflection on more or less formal, more or less institutional endeavour undertaken, sponsored or sanctioned by the state. The reflection follows five lines of enquiry, each exploring an attribute of post-apartheid memory work and suggesting a possible, and necessary, deconstructive interrogation.The reflection can, and should, be read as a critique of the post-apartheid project’s reliance on two interlinked figures, or symbols: ‘the New South Africa’ and ‘Nelson Mandela’. ‘The New South Africa’ was heralded by the release from prison of Nelson Mandela on 11 February 1990, given formal appellation by the country’s first democratic election on 27 April 1994, and in its apogee during the presidency of Mandela in the period 1994-1999. It was always a construct, a vision, embraced first in public discourses in South Africa and then quickly adopted globally as shorthand for the ambitious project of democratisation rising from the wreckage of over four decades of apartheid rule.But it was also the signature for intense and wide-ranging work designed to reconstruct and develop a society shattered by oppression. From the outset the vision relied on a combination of metanarrative (the big explanatory story) and symbol to give it shape and to stretch its reach. Public discourse in and about South Africa was emblazoned by the concepts of noble struggle against apartheid, of post-apartheid reconciliation, and of nation-building.Central to this energy was the life and work of Nelson Mandela, the living symbol of Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s ‘rainbow nation’.The reflection is, at the same time, an act of self-reflection. Since 2004 I have headed a project in the Nelson Mandela Foundation designed to deliver to the world a Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory. Any centreing of memory in post-apartheid South Africa must take account of, and account for, the conditions I have alluded to and wish now to engage. Especially if the centreing – like that being undertaken by the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory – is committed to promoting social justice.We neither work in a vacuum nor are immune from the special power of Nelson Mandela the figure, the symbol. We might know, and have worked with Madiba the man, the individual fallible human being, but inevitably everything we do is cast within a framing determined by figures, symbols and metanarratives.I said I would be exploring five attributes of post-apartheid memory work. The first is its determination to build new metanarratives.Of metanarrativeOne of the core tenets of the ‘memory for justice’ tradition I mentioned at the outset was that memory should be used actively to counter the metanarratives of the apartheid regime and to build new, liberatory, ones. Not surprisingly, then, much of the memory work done through the 1990s and beyond has been deployed to this cause. Narratives of a noble struggle (‘the struggle’) against oppression, of heroes and heroines versus villains, of ‘the people’ or ‘our people’, of truth and reconciliation, of nation-building, reconstruction and development, the ‘New South Africa’, ‘Madiba Magic’, the ‘rainbow nation’, and so on, have been dominant.I don’t want to offer a deconstruction of these narratives. Nor do I wish to question the need for new metanarratives in rebuilding a society damaged by generations of oppression.I do want to suggest, however, that memory work deployed in this way runs the risk of being trapped into a totalising agenda and of foregoing the opportunity to harness truly liberatory energies. And I do want to suggest that we have paid a price for this deployment. Too many sub-narratives have been squeezed out, too many counter-narratives ignored. Loose threads too often have been seen as threats to a seamless narrative rather than opportunity for richer, more complex and more textured weaving. Privileging of the (predetermined) ‘story’, ‘the message’, has discouraged attention being paid to process, to modes of memory construction, to form, language, genre, voice, reading, and so on. All of this, I would argue, has constituted an obstacle to the decolonisation of memory institutions in South Africa.In what we can now call the post-Mbeki, or post-Polokwane, era we have seen the emergence of a fresh wave of memory work in South Africa. You see it in a rush of new heritage projects and of new institutions more or less dedicated to memory work (the Thabo Mbeki Foundation, the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, the OR and Adelaide Tambo Foundation, the Luthuli Foundation, the Ahmed Timol Foundation, the Joe Slovo Foundation, and so on); you see it in a rash of new autobiographies and biographies; an obsession with anything Nelson Mandela-related (recall, for example, how in January the world’s media descended on South Africa and how public discourse became entranced by the question of Madiba’s health); you see it in a feverish marking of anniversaries.Obviously a lot is going on here and there can be no single explanation. But note how this work is being deployed. By those, on the one hand, determined to co-opt post-apartheid metanarratives to new forces and energies. By those, on the other hand, determined to protect and preserve ‘the legacy’ against such co-option. A whole new layer of risk, I would suggest, and more obstacles to the processes of decolonisation.Of opacityI move on now to a second attribute of post-apartheid memory work. Under apartheid, swathes of South African history were erased, hidden or marginalised. Oppositional voices and narratives were repressed or silenced. This systemic opacity spurred another core tenet of the ‘memory for justice’ tradition, namely, that creating space for such histories, voices and narratives was at once an ethical imperative and a critical instrument of struggle.Not surprisingly, then, post-apartheid South Africa was shaped by commitment to concepts and values like ‘transparency’, ‘freedom of information’, ‘truth-recovery’, ‘full disclosure’, and so on. And yet. And yet South Africa in the era of democracy has proved to be a less than fertile environment for these concepts and values. Cultures of opacity remain resilient. Our memory work is hampered by secrets, taboos, disavowals and lies. The silences are often deafening.It is too easy in these circumstances to point fingers. To name those who circumscribed or obstructed the work of the TRC. To name those who turned the 2003 Hefer Commission into a farce. To list the cover-ups. To identify those obstructing the objects of the Promotion of Access to Information Act. To name the public representations of our past shrouded in shadow. And so on.I believe that it is imperative that we all take responsibility for the cultures of opacity; understand that it is not only those who wield power who deal in silences; and (more difficult) accept that there might be legitimate secrets, healthy taboos, justifiable disavowals, even – I hesitate to say it – necessary lies. Cultures of opacity flow deeply through South African society. They come not only from the old apartheid state milieus. They flow out of diverse and deep traditions, customs and mythologies. They flow out of the anti-apartheid experiences of exile, the underground and mass resistance. They flow out of the nature of our transition to democracy – not a revolution, but a protracted negotiated settlement, during which selective destruction of memory resources took place and more or less secret deals were made. The latter scenario, in South Africa and elsewhere, stimulates extreme sensitivity around access to information.In any polity or collectivity it is, precisely, the secrets, the taboos, the disavowals and the lies which mark the place of bruise, of wound, of damage. Memory work, I would argue, is bound by the call of justice to tend this place. Tend. In other words, on the one hand, it must decline any dictate to turn away from this place, pretend that it is not there. On the other hand, it must turn to this place, return to it, engage it. Respectfully. Determinedly. Without the recklessness of rush.Of healingA third attribute of much of the memory work done in post-apartheid South Africa is an assumption that remembering brings with it healing. In some formulations, there can be no healing without remembering. The provenance of this view internationally is complex, going back, arguably, as far as Freud, infused, certainly, by the discourses of psychoanalysis, influenced, certainly, by the dogmas of transitional justice.In South Africa, the influences of Christian notions of confession, repentance and forgiveness have been particularly strong. Indeed, it could be argued that the TRC was framed very deliberately by these notions.But what if remembering is just as likely to reopen old wounds? What if the majority of the thousands of South Africans who came to the TRC to testify to abuse and damage have not found healing from their ‘TRC experience’? (Have we gone back to those thousands in the years since the TRC to test what has now become a dominant mythology, namely, that the TRC’s rituals of testimony were effective as instruments of healing?)What if forgiveness is impossible, because it requires precisely an embrace of the unforgiveable? What if forgiveness is not an act of mercy from one to another, but rather a rendezvous? In other words, a process in which timing is critical and for which enormous patience is required? What if healing is more closely associated with forgetting than with remembering? Does the binary opposite remembering-forgetting, like all binary opposites, obfuscate rather than illuminate? Could healing also be a rendezvous? Is it possible that we rushed into the rituals of ‘dealing with’ the past? Have we, in consequence, pre-empted a rendezvous wanting to happen? Or missed it altogether?I don’t have ready answers to these questions, nor time now to explore them. But I would suggest that we underestimated the damage wrought by our histories – to individuals, collectivities and institutions.And I would suggest that we were seduced by the possibility of a ‘quick-fix’. (‘Madiba Magic’ would sprinkle salve on our wounds and we would emerge, quickly, as reconstructed ‘new South Africans’. Madiba’s gracing of the 1995 Rugby World Cup would fast-track the transformation of the country’s sports sectors and accomplish in a moment what logic told us would require generations of hard work.)On the other hand, I see promising signs: NGOs committed to a long haul in engaging damage; indications in the new rash of autobiographies and biographies of a greater willingness to open up to damage; the emergence of a generation of young public intellectuals prepared to question struggle orthodoxies and tend the bruises in memory; some memory institutions becoming conscious of how their representations of what was formerly ‘the other’ introduce new layers of ‘othering’; and so on.Signs. Not many. But promising. Could they be signs of impending rendezvous? Signs of people either finding ways for healing to come to them or creating conditions in which healing is more likely to come to others, without prescription, without blueprint?Of reconciliationMost of South Africa’s post-apartheid memory work has been geared to promoting reconciliation. A fourth attribute. Reconciliation. A noble aim, perhaps, but it has run the risks of metanarrative deployment which I outlined earlier.Too often, in my view, it has been trapped into a totalising agenda. Too often it has followed dictates to turn from secrets, taboos, disavowals and lies. Too often it has embraced a blueprint for healing. More damaging, it has been encumbered by the broader reconciliation project’s baggage. A substantial baggage, but let me name just two (profoundly interconnected) dimensions.Reconciliation is of a completely different order to that of forgiveness. The latter is about the impossible gift; the reaching for pure transcendence. Reconciliation is about hammering out a practical way forward, accommodating harsh realities and negotiating ways of learning simply to get on together. An economy of exchange, in other words.And in South Africa in the 1990s a very specific, trifocal, economy was agreed to as the springboard for continuing reconciliation endeavour: amnesty for human rights perpetrators offering full disclosure, reparations for victims of human rights violations, and prosecution (i.e. punishment) for perpetrators failing to secure amnesty. A fatally flawed springboard as it turned out. For the exchange was not honoured. Very little ‘full disclosure’ was secured. Reparations were inadequate and fiercely contested. And prosecution was not forthcoming.We have paid a heavy price for reconciliation’s consequent crisis of legitimacy. A crisis deepened by perceptions that the reconciliation project has been used to smooth the replacement of one elite by another. Liberation has reached too small a number of South Africans to be an enduring energy of unification.The notion of a South Africa “belonging to all who live in it” seems now to be an impossible ideal. South Africa belongs increasingly to the few who can afford to access the instruments of democratisation, the few who benefit from resilient colonial and apartheid patterns of privilege, the few who can feed from the troughs of patronage, protection and graft. The few who construct islands of conspicuous consumption in huge lakes of impoverishment. In these contexts the metanarratives of ‘the New South Africa’ are unravelling. Social cohesion is elusive. For the many, the many encumbered by the chains of a too-old South Africa, for the many, I would argue, learning simply to get on together has become a lot harder now than it was in 1994.Of learningA final attribute of most post-apartheid memory work. It has made the assumption, or at least relied unduly on the assumption, that constructions of the past – the study of history – are about learning from the ‘mistakes’ of that past.I’ve been studying history all my adult life, and the one sure thing I’ve learned is that societies hardly ever learn from the mistakes of their pasts. Working with those pasts is important for other reasons, some of which I’ve already alluded to.Time does not allow a full exploration of what is a complex question; suffice it to suggest a different paradigm for engaging the question after naming two linked consequences of the learning-from-mistakes assumption. First, it leads, or slips, too easily into didactic modes and forms. There are lessons to be learned, and the learner must be clear on what they are. For the learner – whether the viewer of an exhibition, the reader of a textbook, the listener to a radio programme – for the learner this is an experience of paternalism.Second, the assumption encourages reliance on experts to ensure that learning takes place. The knowledge of these experts, whether historians or archivists, museologists or anthropologists, is a source of significant power, and they exert an almost unavoidably paternalist influence over when and how memory is constructed. Memory itself has developed as a field of expert knowledge and is often appropriated by its own emerging cohort of experts. They tend to decide on behalf of non-experts. Paternalism. Non-experts typically challenge this power only through direct action in which they insist on their memories being constructed in the modes and forms they desire.Paternalism, of course, is always profoundly alienating. Its resilience in our memory institutions explains in large part the difficulty they’ve experienced in securing a sense of ownership by communities, in realising meaningful popular participation in their constructions of the past, in creating new publics. Public programming has been mostly about outreach and very little about in-reach – the public reaching in, participating in. Democratisation – decolonisation – of our memory institutions has suffered accordingly. As Jacques Derrida has argued: “Effective democratisation can always be measured by this essential criterion: the participation in and the access to the archive, its constitution, and its interpretation.”Societies, I believe, and individuals possibly as well, learn most readily not from the past but from the future. What we perceive to be the future opening to us, what we experience as our participation in the making of that future, what we feel as our smaller journeys joining with larger journeys of collectivity, nation and humankind, determine in fundamental ways our embrace of values, symbols, narratives and pasts.What we learn from the past, I am suggesting, is shaped indelibly by what we are learning from the future. When we feel alienated from the future – when it feels like a closing rather than an opening, when energy is stifled and opportunity circumscribed, when paternalism is privileged over participation, when experts determine constructions of knowledge for us, when our personal journeys feel disconnected from or unconnected to larger journeys – when we feel alienated from the future, then mistakes of the past become a foreign country to us.Equally – and this is another form of alienation – when we feel overly at home with the future – when its opening is overdetermined for us or by us, when energy and opportunity are controlled willingly, when we receive the knowledge of experts and eschew the responsibilities of participation, when our personal journeys are subsumed by larger journeys – when we feel overly at home with the future, then the mistakes of the past become a foreign country to us.The mistakes of South Africa’s past, I would submit, have become a foreign country to us.And the imperative is to befriend them. I didn’t say ‘learn from them.’ Befriend them. Hold them. Give them sanctuary. Be hospitable to them.The best example of this I can think of from Madiba’s life is the way in which during the prison years he held memory of his pre-capture sacrifice of domestic life to struggle. Not that he would have done differently; not that he did do differently in the post-prison years. But his holding of memory contributed to an intense engagement with the idea of ‘the domestic’, and a profound nurturing – from prison – of that space.Befriending the mistakes of the past – which I am arguing is of the same order as, if not the same as, befriending the future – befriending our mistakes is the work of memory, the work of archive.The archive, in the formulation of Jacques Derrida, opens out of the future. The call of justice here, the call of justice at work in archive, is a call for archive to be opened fundamentally to participation. Participation in its constitution and in its interpretation. Opened to the endeavour of experts and non-experts alike. Opened to the voices of people. Opened to contestation. Liberated from the tyrannies of didacticism and paternalism.ConclusionAt the outset I posed a number of questions. Has our post-apartheid memory work been too superficial? Have we only scratched the surface of our country’s pain and alienation? Does the really hard work – the work which truly embraces damage and offers healing – remain to be done? To what extent are the failures of the post-apartheid project failures of memory?I think you know by now what my necessarily tentative and preliminary answers are. What to do about it, I think, is the critical issue. Here time has allowed me only the posing of what I regard as the key questions, the key ‘how’ questions: How can we avoid the pitfalls of deploying memory work to the service of metanarrative? How can we open the metanarratives we have adopted, unavoidably have adopted, to problematisation and deconstruction? How best to break down our cultures of opacity? How do we enable the decolonisation of our memory institutions? How do we tend the place of bruise, of wound, of damage? How do we create conditions for healing, without prescription, without blueprint? How do we rescue the post-apartheid reconciliation project? How do we befriend the mistakes of our pasts? How do we grow up as a nation? How do we learn to live without Madiba?I haven’t provided answers to these questions. But I have suggested that it is critical that we be asking them, engaging them, framing our memory work in relation to them. Critical for all of us. But especially so for an organisation carrying the name of Nelson Mandela conjoined with the concept of memory.So we at the Nelson Mandela Foundation have a particular responsibility. Given the extent to which the figure, the symbol, ‘Nelson Mandela’ has been deployed in constructing ‘the New South Africa’. Given his association with the ‘memory for justice’ tradition. Given his participation in the genesis and early implementation of South Africa’s reconciliation project. Given his directive that the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory’s most important shaping influence should be the call of justice.I have no doubt that had he been younger at the advent of post-apartheid transition, he would have vigorously and publicly contested his elevation to the status of icon, even saint.He would have disturbed the reliance of ‘the New South Africa’ on his personal narrative deployed as metanarrative. Listen to him reflecting during 1998, in a first draft of what was intended to be a sequel to his autobiography: “One issue that deeply worried me in prison was the false image that I unwittingly projected to the outside world; of being regarded as a saint. I never was one, even on the basis of an earthly definition of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.”I have no doubt that had he been younger towards the end of his presidency, he would have acted robustly to ensure that the TRC Final Report was not buried and the huge, rich TRC archive with it. He would have prioritised the rescuing of what became a fatally flawed springboard.I have no doubt that had he been younger in the first decade of the 21st century, he would have summoned his energy against patronage, protection and graft. Listen again to him reflecting in that 1998 manuscript: “But history never stops to play tricks with seasoned and world famous freedom fighters. Frequently erstwhile revolutionaries have easily succumbed to greed, and the tendency to divert public resources for personal enrichment ultimately overwhelmed them. By amassing vast personal wealth, and by betraying the noble objectives which made them famous, they virtually deserted the masses of the people and joined the former oppressors …”If only. If only.But, as he has enjoined us repeatedly in recent years, “it is, now, in your hands.” In our hands to engage memory work as fundamental to the success of the post-apartheid project. In our hands to engage rather than avoid the politics of memory. In our hands to get our hands dirty.In our hands to reach for a just politics. A politics mindful of the call of justice. A politics straining for a justice which is always coming. A justice defined by one’s relation to ‘the other’. The stranger. The one who does not fit. The one who disturbs ‘us’, who contests ‘our’ space. Who opens us to what is coming. Who is most deeply inside us at the same time as being ‘outside’. Who importunes us to reach in and reach out simultaneously. Who whispers in our ear that while an army can liberate a country, only we can liberate ourselves. Who reminds us that ‘the Long Walk’ has no ending.Who points to what Madiba said in the final sentences of Long Walk to Freedom: “I have discovered the secret that after climbing a great hill, one only finds that there are many more hills to climb. I have taken a moment here to rest … But I can rest only for a moment, for with freedom come responsibilities, and I dare not linger …”
28 September 2012The quest by Team Bonitas, one of South Africa’s most successful professional men’s road cycling teams, to become a world-class outfit has received a major boost, with Bonitas announcing a partnership with French professional team La Pomme Marseille for 2013.The partnership, announced on Friday, between the two International Cycling Union (UCI) Continental-graded teams, will pave the way for members of Team Bonitas, which comprises only South African riders, to compete in some of the highest-level races in France and elsewhere in Europe in 2013.After the team dominated the domestic racing scene from 2009 to 2011, ambitious Team Bonitas owner Malcolm Lange, of Lange Sports, upped the team’s goals to grow into a respected, successful international outfit by registering it as a UCI Continental team for 2012 and added two six-week stints of European racing to the team’s roster.Performed admirablyDuring those stints in Spain and Portugal the team performed admirably. Bonitas then signed former Road General Manager at Cycling South Africa, Barry Austin. Through his relationship with European cycling agents, Velofuture, he attracted the attention of La Pomme Marseille as a possible partner, which has now been finalised.“We know that we have to get our riders to Europe, but we simply don’t have the huge budget to just plant our team there. So creating a partnership with an established club and professional team like La Pomme allows us to aim for the same objectives more cost effectively,” explained Malcolm Lange in a statement.“The French racing scene is a tough one to get into, but by partnering with La Pomme, we’ll have the benefits of the instant infrastructure of a respected community.‘Similar goals and principles“The La Pomme professional team has similar goals and principles to Team Bonitas, so it’ll be an organic growth process for both them and us.“Ultimately, the aim is to springboard talented South Africans into the big leagues and grow the Team Bonitas brand’s reputation both locally and internationally.”There will be a total of four Team Bonitas riders based in Marseille at any one time between April and September 2013 with a rotation system in place to give most of the riders at least a two-month period of racing there each.2013 line-upThe 2013 Team Bonitas team will comprise 10 riders and the final line-up will be announced before the end of November.“South Africa hosts some of the world’s highest profile mountain bike and BMX racing events. The only reason we don’t have consistently high profile road events in the country is because the road cycling event organisers in South Africa cater for the masses with relatively short, less challenging race routes,” said team manager Barry Austin.“This means that our talented road riders have to compete abroad to gain the appropriate experience, which is logistically challenging and costly.“It therefore makes sense to create an association with a team like La Pomme Marseille.“We believe it’s the most efficient way to develop our riders and we will obviously offer reciprocal infrastructure and support when their riders come to South Africa for training camps or to compete in selected events.”SAinfo reporterWould you like to use this article in your publication or on your website? See: Using SAinfo material
Reports surfaced this weekend that hackers have broken into the Nasdaq’s communications networks. The company says that the breach did not impact the Nasdaq’s stock trading systems and that it did not expose any customer data.The Associated Press reports that hackers broke into the service multiple times over more than a year. The target was apparently Directors Desk, an online communication and collaboration tool that helps corporations share documents with directors between scheduled board meetings. While the information you could conceivably glean from these meetings could be of great value, the FBI says it does not have a motive at this time for the intrusions.Although the investigations were ongoing, Nasdaq had kept silent about the security breach until the story broke this weekend. Only then did it issue a statement and notify customers about the situation.According to Nasdaq OMX spokesperson Frank DeMaria, the company had detected “suspicious files” during a routine security scan.The news is the latest in a series of technology scares and snafus that have struck Wall Street. In May of last year, a “flash crash” set off a chain reaction that briefly wiped out $1 trillion in market value. Photo credits: Flickr user Michael Tags:#Finance#web Why Tech Companies Need Simpler Terms of Servic… A Web Developer’s New Best Friend is the AI Wai… 8 Best WordPress Hosting Solutions on the Market Top Reasons to Go With Managed WordPress Hosting Related Posts audrey watters
The British government has been accused of spying on WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, sparking an outrage among civil rights campaigners in the country. A video released by WikiLeaks claim that three cameras have been erected outside the entrance of his temporary home in Ellingham Hall, Norfolk, to keep track of people visiting him. “We suddenly noticed them appearing since we have been here. We believe they are monitoring everything that goes in and out of the property,” Sarah Harrison, one of the WikiLeaks’ team, was quoted as saying in the video, titled ‘House Arrest’, published by Telegraph online. “I am not an expert on cameras but I believe that these take number plates and report number plates. I think the country is full of them but I don?t know why I need quite so many of them around my house,” said Vaughan Smith, the owner of the Ellingham Hall, where Assange moved into in mid– December as he fights extradition to Sweden over allegations of sexual crimes. The 39-year-old Australian has denied charges. But the clamp on his movement and spying on his visitors has sparked an outrage, with civil liberties campaign groups slamming the government. “Regardless of the allegations made against Mr Assange, he has not been charged with any crime,” said Daniel Hamilton, director of Big Brother Watch. “For his movements ? and those of his visitors ? to be monitored in this way constitutes an outrageous invasion of personal privacy. These cameras must be removed immediately,” he demanded.advertisement- With PTI inputsFor more news on India, click here.For more news on Business, click here.For more news on Movies, click here.For more news on Sports, click here.
Former Cardinals kicker Phil Dawson retires Derrick Hall satisfied with D-backs’ buying and selling Grace expects Greinke trade to have emotional impact The other player on that side of the line of scrimmage to catch Arians’ eye seemingly on a daily basis has been defensive tackle Robert Nkemdiche.“(He) had a really good practice from what I saw because he was in our backfield all the time,” Arians said, referring to Saturday’s work on the grass fields just south of University of Phoenix Stadium.Two days earlier Arians had called Nkemdiche “very disruptive” against the Dallas Cowboys in the Hall of Fame Game.“It is what it is,” Nkemdiche said about being praised. “Just move forward. Come back to practice I got to do it again, come back to practice I got to do it again. It’s a rigorous process.”Now don’t be mistaken, it’s not as if Nkemdiche doesn’t like having nice things said about him.“Although you have to have self-confidence, it helps when you have other people around you that believe you, especially that’s people that’s your family. It makes a difference,” he said.And it beats the alternative.Several times last season Nkemdiche, the former first-round draft pick, found himself on the opposite spectrum of Arians’ comments.“You know some people are going to speak truth and he’s one of those guys,” Nkemdiche said. The Cardinals need Nkemdiche, among others, to succeed in 2017.Despite losing Calais Campbell, leaving a huge hole up front, the team did not address the defensive line either in free agency or the draft. They have confidence in the eight players remaining, especially Nkemdiche, to fill Campbell’s 6-foot-8 void.“He’s right where he should be,” Arians said of Nkemdiche’s progress.At this rate, it’s going to be hard to keep Nkemdiche off the field once the season begins.The Cardinals like to rotate their defensive linemen. It keeps them fresh. And right now, Nkemdiche finds himself in rotation behind projected starters Josh Mauro, Corey Peters and Frostee Rucker.“I don’t really pay attention to the depth chart because whenever my number is called I know what I’m going to do with that moment. I pay attention to moments,” Nkemdiche said. “Whenever my name is called or number, I make sure, ‘Ok, this is what they do at this moment.’ Pay attention to this one play.”Follow Craig Grialou on Twitter 2 Comments Share Though only credited with one tackle in the preseason opener, Nkemdiche made his presence felt often. On the Cowboys second possession, he blew up a running play by forcing Darren McFadden to reverse course right into the waiting arms of linebacker Ironhead Gallon who dropped McFadden for a four-yard loss. Later in the half, Nkemdiche pressured quarterback Kellen Moore.For his efforts, playing 23 snaps on defense, Nkemdiche received an overall grade of 82.8 from Pro Football Focus.Again, the praise means very little.“You look at the film (and) you should be your biggest critic,” he said. “You shouldn’t have to have a coach tell you what you did right or wrong because you should know already.”Nkemdiche, who a year ago at this time was in a walking boot with a high ankle sprain, prefers to self-critique: Wake up every morning, look in the mirror and ask what more he can do rather than wait to being told.It’s something he said he’s always done “because if you’re trying to play for somebody else you’re not really going to get results. If you know what you’re supposed to do and you’re a self-critic and you know if you could’ve did better and the things that you did good and the things that you did worse, that will help you succeed.” The 5: Takeaways from the Coyotes’ introduction of Alex Meruelo GLENDALE, Ariz. – As a head coach, especially one with an offensive mind, Bruce Arians often will wait until he watches that day’s film, either game or practice, before speaking too in-depth in how the Arizona Cardinals looked on defense.Of course, there are exceptions.For one, it’s been hard not to notice safety Tyrann Mathieu, who in the past week or so in training camp has had his hands on a number of balls, often resulting in interceptions. Arizona Cardinals defensive tackle Robert Nkemdiche runs a drill with other defensive linemen during an NFL football organized team activity, Thursday, June 1, 2017, at the team training facility in Tempe, Ariz. (AP Photo/Ross D. Franklin) Top Stories
Sharp’s booth at CES 2015Japanese electronics manufacturer and TV maker Sharp has agreed to a multi-billion dollar takeover by Taiwan’s Foxconn.Sharp said it will issue and sell JPY489 billion (€4 billion)-worth of new shares to Foxconn, known officially as Hon Hai, which will become the controlling shareholder in Sharp with a two-thirds stake.However, following the announcement, Foxconn reportedly said it would delay signing the agreement over information it had received from Sharp that still needed to be clarified.“We will have to postpone any signing of a definitive agreement until we have arrived at a satisfactory understanding and resolution of the situation,” said Foxconn in a statement, published by the BBC.Foxconn was expected to finalise a takeover deal for Sharp by the end of February, after the two sides reached consensus on “most points” earlier this month.
Deliveries at the SGE are significantly greater than those at the COMEX. Delivery ratios on the Comex have consistently been under 10%, in contrast to more than 30% on the SGE. Through June, the SGE has nearly matched all of last year’s total. What’s even more astonishing: year-to-date deliveries on the SGE are close to global mine production. In the first six months, delivery reached 35.3 million ounces (1,098 tonnes), just 20% less than what all gold companies mined last year. It is headlines like these that the Chinese read—not what Goldman Sachs writes. It’s not just the Chinese, of course. India, for now, is still the largest gold market. Despite relentless restrictions from her government, Mrs. Singh bought more gold jewelry and bullion last quarter than any other country. What does this mean to us as investors? The structure of the gold market is changing. Gold is moving from the so-called “weak hands”—those who saw gold as a “trade” and/or were seeking quick profits—to “strong hands,” who see the big picure and are buying for the long term. Gold is moving west to east. You’ve heard this before, but the above data irrefutably points to this fact—and the trend shows no signs of letting up. The East will have an increasingly greater impact on price. As Asian countries take over more and more of the market, their influence on the price will only grow. The gold bull market is not over, regardless of what GS says. When I read their comments on the precious metals market, I sometimes wonder if they really understand it. But then again, do any of their analysts even own any gold? Mrs. Chang, I’m with you. Goldman Sachs is once again predicting that gold will fall, setting a new near-term target of $1,050. Never mind the schizophrenic gene that would be required to follow the constantly fluctuating predictions of all these big banks; it’s amazing to me that anyone continues to listen to them after their abysmal record and long-standing anti-gold stance. Sure, the too-big-to-fails can move markets—but they say things that are good for them, not us. As an example, while Goldman Sachs was telling clients and the public to sell gold in the second quarter, they bought 3.7 million shares of GLD and became the ETF’s 7th largest holder. When I visited China two years ago, guess who no one was talking about? Goldman Sachs. There was news about the US, of course, but the regular diet of journalistic intake consisted of Chinese activity, not North American. And surprise, surprise, the view from that side of the big blue ball was materially different than what we hear and read here—and in some cases, the opposite. Not only has the average Chinese housewife, perhaps the most frugal and cautious species of savers in the world, probably never heard of Goldman Sachs and their call for $1,000 gold—if she had, she would think: 垃圾! (Rubbish!) Here’s some evidence. Since January 1, gold ETF holdings have fallen by roughly a quarter (26%, according to GFMS). But Chinese housewives aren’t refraining from buying and certainly aren’t selling: China and India accounted for almost 60% of the global gold jewelry sector last quarter, and roughly half of total bar and coin demand. Further, both countries saw almost 50% more consumer demand in the first half of the year compared to the same period in 2012. The two countries are again setting records… China purchased 8.8 million ounces (275 tonnes), 87% more than last year India bought 9.9 million ounces (310 tonnes), 71% more than 2012 It’s true that official Indian gold imports dropped in August, to just 0.08 million ounces (2.5 tonnes), a 95% plunge from July’s volume of 1.5 million ounces (47.5 tonnes). It’s not yet clear, however, that Indian authorities have managed to subdue gold imports as they have been desperately trying to do; keep in mind the widespread reports of gold smuggling. Meanwhile, the wedding season is just ahead, so demand is likely to bounce back up. Physical demand also soared in Thailand, Indonesia, and Vietnam last quarter, with increases ranging from 20% to 40% being reported. Add it all up and the Asian/emerging countries comprise the lion’s share of consumer demand for gold, about 70%. It begs the question, are Asians just smarter than Goldman Sachs? If you find yourself agreeing more with Mrs. Chang than Goldman Sachs, you can snag two silver bullion products at a discounted premium in the current issue of BIG GOLD. You won’t find these prices elsewhere, and the savings could pay for your subscription. Product is still available, so join the Chinese gold rush and stock up while prices are down with a risk-free subscription to BIG GOLD. The red dotted line represents the total outflows of GLD through last Tuesday. The gold bars are cumulative monthly imports of gold to China, through Hong Kong. You can see that China has absorbed roughly twice what most North American ETF holders have sold. It’s actually more than that, because we only have Hong Kong import data up to the end of July. But it’s even more dramatic than this. If you dig down into the data further, you find that cumulative gold imports through July surpassed the 26.7 million ounces (831 tonnes) that was imported to China for the whole of 2012. That means rather than being deterred from buying gold when its price was declining this year, the Chinese were snapping up the yellow metal as fast as they could. Further, last year Chinese miners produced 12.9 million ounces (403 tonnes) of gold, all of which stayed in the country. When you look at physical deliveries from the Shanghai Gold Exchange (SGE) vs. the COMEX and global mine production, you can see a clear trend this year:
North Carolina has finally obtained official federal government approval to shift the state’s Medicaid program to a managed-care system.The state Department of Health and Human Services said it received Wednesday a waiver from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services to move away from the traditional fee-for-service program used for decades.The state initially made its waiver application in 2016, amending it last year. The General Assembly approved the transition idea in 2015.Under the plan, statewide managed-care companies or regional hospital and doctor networks will get flat monthly amounts for each patient covered. The system would also include mental health and prescription benefits.DHHS already has received bid offers from eight companies or networks interested in managed-care contracts. The agency wants to begin managed care late next year.
The number of disabled people participating regularly in sporting activity has fallen since the London 2012 Paralympic Games, according to official figures.The fall in participation emerged as the government published a consultation document as part of preparations for a new sports strategy.As well as issues around participation, the document – which looks mostly at England – examines problems such as generating commercial investment, persuading sports that have benefited from lucrative television deals to reinvest in grassroots sport, and ensuring that stadia and other infrastructure are accessible to disabled people.The document says the number of disabled people playing sport once a week is “disappointingly low”.Figures from Sport England’s Active People Survey, which has been tracking participation rates since 2005, show the proportion of disabled people over 16 taking part in sporting activity at least once a week peaked at 18.3 per cent in 2011-12.Since then, the rate has fallen steadily, to 18.2 per cent in 2012-13, 17.4 per cent in October 2013-October 2014, and now 17.2 per cent in April 2014-April 2015.The fall is important because one of the key elements of the supposed “legacy” from the London 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games was to increase the proportion of disabled people taking part regularly in sport.Baroness [Tanni] Grey-Thompson (pictured), one of Britain’s greatest Paralympians, now retired from sport, said it was a “good time” for the consultation, with just one year left before the Rio Paralympics.She pointed out that the consultation document also asks how “limited financial resource can best be used” to support elite athletes at future Olympic and Paralympic Games.She said the participation rates for disabled people were “interesting” and could suggest a failure to integrate disabled people into mainstream national governing bodies, while she also suggested that more disabled people needed to be employed within disability sport.Keryn Seal, a key member of the British blind football team, who competed at London 2012 and hopes to compete at the Rio Paralympics, said he was “alarmed and saddened” by the figures.He told Disability News Service that he was concerned for the future of his own sport in Britain if participation rates did not improve, as there had been few talented new players breaking through into the national squad since 2012.He said: “If things do not get better, we may not have the next generation of players post-Rio and Tokyo [the host of the 2020 Olympics and Paralympics].”One of his frustrations is that his team recently enjoyed a 17-match unbeaten run, which only ended with a 2-1 defeat to Argentina in the final of the International Blind Sports Federation’s fifth World Games in Seoul in May.Now the British team will have to qualify in the top two of this month’s European championships in Hereford to qualify for Rio.Despite the team’s success, and a sport that is “in the best shape it has ever been in” in Britain, there has been no influx of young blood.Seal said there were a “whole multitude of factors we need to get right” to improve participation rates in blind football and across disability sport.He said part of the problem was the lack of media interest in the years between Paralympic Games, particularly for blind football, which received “non-existent” mainstream coverage in comparison with some other para-sports, such as athletics and swimming, and all of the other team sports.He said: “Wheelchair basketball, wheelchair rugby, goalball, etc, all draw more media coverage and access to things like National Paralympic Day for exhibition matches.”One of the problems is the greater need for volunteers than for athletes with other impairments, for example, to provide lifts to facilities that are inaccessible by public transport, guiding around gyms, or as running partners.These are “the sort of things that are daunting for a blind person first starting out on their own in a sport”, he said.Another issue is the availability of sporting opportunities for disabled children at school.He said: “The most fortunate people I know who have got on in school sports are disabled athletes who have had fantastic volunteers to enable them to go out and do these things.“It’s those kind of people at grassroots disabled sport who allow people like me to get to the top of our sport.”Seal said it was also often impossible – because of data protection laws – to contact many of the visually-impaired children in a local area so as to alert them to the opportunities available.But he said: “I think our sport really challenges you in terms of your spatial awareness, your confidence, your orientation, more than any other sport can, and that’s a thing that young visually-impaired kids can learn from coming into the sport.“You can be more confident and you can be a more rounded individual just by trying out this sport.”Sport England has set governing bodies targets to increase participation in each of 42 of the sports it has been funding since December 2012, but is not yet able to release figures on how successful this has been.Among the investments made since 2012 are an £18.2 million inclusive sport fund to encourage more disabled people into playing sport; and £1.15 million to help 146 local sports organisations buy disability equipment.It has also funded seven national disability sports organisations, between October 2014 and 2017, to support other sports bodies in creating sporting opportunities for disabled people; has partnered with Sainsbury’s on the supermarket’s £1 million Active Kids for All inclusive community training programme; and ensures that all of its own major capital investments make their facilities accessible.The English Federation of Disability Sport – the national charity “dedicated to disabled people in sport and physical activity”, which received nearly £1.7 million funding in 2014-15 – has so far refused to comment on the fall in participation rates since London 2012.Instead, it welcomed the consultation, and said in a statement that it had “some optimism that a new strategy could do much more to help disabled people become active”, while it “supports the need for a new participation strategy, but emphasises that inclusion and accessibility must be a top priority”.The British Paralympic Association (BPA) said it was “concerned” by the statistics, but said the survey was “not the only measure available to consider the impact of London 2012 and what can be inspired in the future – we should see this as the start of a journey not the end point”.A BPA spokeswoman said: “Our mission is to take the best prepared team to the Games, so we recognise that there are better-placed organisations to advise on what can be done to impact on grassroots participation.“The success of our Sports Fest events since London 2012, the thousands who recently turned out for National Paralympic Day events across the country, and the substantial traffic we get to our Deloitte Parasport website, all indicate to us that there is still lots of interest in taking up disability sport and that Paralympic athletes still inspire people to consider sport as an option for them.”